⌛ Summary: Response To Mao Zedongs Cultural Revolution

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Summary: Response To Mao Zedongs Cultural Revolution



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What Was China's Cultural Revolution and Why Was It So Violent?

Before examining the Hollywood blacklist in more detail, it will necessary to provide some historical context regarding the historical censorship of the entertainment industry and the anti-communist furor of the mid-twentieth century. Van Gosse and Richard Moser, eds. This historical understanding is both necessary and crucial since the period before encompassed both the lingering old central Chinese ideology, Confucianism, and the new opposing social sentiment at the time to push for progression in the new era. The coexistence of Confucian values and the social atmosphere at the time for advancement, both of which influenced and guided Mao Zedong in his later major political decisions, were both contradictory, and thus, detrimental to China.

In reality, the campaigns that were executed by the population was a. Get Access. Read More. Censorship and Hollywood Blacklist Words 14 Pages facing many of the same economic difficulties that encouraged them to gleefully participate in the blacklisting the first time around. Popular Essays. The guiding policies and ideology of the CPC is summed up in a system of ideas generally known as Mao Zedong Thought; its source was the reality of the revolutionary movement as well as a distillation of the correct subjective ideas of the masses and it developed precisely in the course of changing reality. Under its guidance, the Chinese people accomplished the extra ordinary task of throwing off centuries of oppression by domestic and foreign exploiters began the construction of new society with many important new features.

It would be absolutely wrong to view Maoism as a purely Chinese phenomenon. Precisely because it was so closely integrated with Chinese reality, it produced lessons overwhelmingly positive but with some negative ones as well, which all revolutionaries have a duty to learn. Of course, revolutionaries have ultimate responsibilities lay for the movement in their own country where they alone deeply know the conditions. But it is necessary to view communism as an international movement, identify what the trends are and if necessary, polemicise about them.

Marx and Engels did this. Lenin did this, and so did Mao. We have a duty to do the same with regard to the Chinese revolution. Mao held to a firm class stand, always upholding the interests of the labouring people. He understood very clearly that the proletariat and poor peasantry was the only class force capable of regenerating China and thus contributing to the world revolutionary movement. He resisted any tendencies to make communism dependent upon the movement of the local bourgeoisie, while at the same time resisting any sectarianism towards the different currents making up what is necessarily a complex and multifaceted movement for the resurgence of an oppressed nation. There was a predominant view that the industrialised countries, where the level of productive forces was higher and the proletariat more numerous would inevitably be the force pushing the revolutionary movement forward at a world level, while the colonial and semi-colonial countries would have to be pulled along behind this process.

Lenin had many insights which showed the contrary, but these tended to get forgotten after his death. Mao discovered that the peasantry, especially the poor peasantry, can be profoundly revolutionary, whereas the national bourgeoisie will always be incapable on its own of striking out in a direction really independent of imperialism. Mao criticised those in China who only knew about the history of ancient Greece and not that of their own country. The Chinese revolutionary movement re-established the history of trade and cultural interchange between China and other Asian and African countries which had made an essential contribution to the dynamic of human history before it was disrupted by capitalism.

These lessons played an important role in raising the consciousness of the peoples of the oppressed nations. But it is no less important that revolutionaries of European origin should learn them to help liberate themselves from the cultural chauvinism which is strongly embedded in the left movement and which ties it to the ruling class. He worked out a strategy for guerrila warfare in which the fighters move among the people like a fish in water.

Most important of all was his theory that the Chinese revolution could win victory by encircling the cities from the countryside. Practice proved it to be correct. At the same time, however, Mao also repudiated another error within the communist movement which consisted in overestimating the importance of so-called economic laws, the expense of politics and ideology. Man stressed the role of consciousness in promoting change. Not all aspects of ideology were adequately dealt with: the Chinese revolution made inadequate progress in assessing the significance of racism on a world scale, for example.

But Mao did accurately appraise the importance of revolutionary culture. He stressed the need for a culture which permeates the broad labouring masses and reflects their aspirations, while also appreciating the role of a genius like the writer Lu Xun. Mao attached great importance to building the Communist Party along the correct lines. He said that was necessary to have faith in the masses and have faith in the party. Communists, he said, do not seek political posts for themselves, they seek revolution.

The different aspects of the Maoist perspective which were forged during the years of struggle prior to the victory of the Chinese revolution, were further developed by Chairman Mao after in relation to the nature of socialist society and the tasks it faces, and also to the new international tasks which emerged in the post-World War Two period. Mao had a deep conviction that revolutions are the work of the masses He always felt that real reactionaries are a small minority and it is possible to unite a broad range of forces against them. This may be difficult but it is the task of communists to bring it about. During the revolution up to , the Communist Party managed to win the leadership of a very wide range of social forces who were ready to fight for at least some aspect of human dignity against domestic and foreign oppressors.

Even with the transition to the much more radical, socialist revolution after , Mao sought to maintain these allies and gradually transform them, rather than letting them drift into a reactionary position. But most important of all was the worker-peasant alliance. Unless this could be consolidated in a very real way, by means of actual, concrete policies, any talk about socialism would be meaningless. During the Stalin period, the Soviet Union had drifted into a position of thinking that the ruling Communist Party had to be monolithic, with only a single set of ideas, and even in socialist society at large, differences were considered something of an anomaly.

As a thorough going exponent of dialectical materialism, he held that contradiction was the lifeblood of any phenomenon or process. Contradictions within socialist society are an expression of its material reality and its liveliness — without them it would be dead. Mao distinguished between two different kinds of contradictions. He opposed the view that anyone who disagreed with the official conception was part of the enemy. At the same time, in a world still ruled by forces hostile to socialism, of course there were real enemies; hence the two types of contradiction should not be confused.

He believed firmly that progress in the communist movement was determined by struggle between two opposing lines or views. The two line struggle reflects the conflicting interests of the proletariat and bourgeoisie; but, of course, the issue can only be resolved through the test of practice, and even those putting forward a bourgeois line are not necessarily agents of the bourgeoisie. This should be under stood from a dual viewpoint. On the one hand socialism has to be a society which gives the fullest play to human creativity, and hence it will be more rich and varied than earlier forms of society.

On the other hand, as long as classes exist, reactionary ideas can crop up, but socialism can only grow stronger in combatting what is reactionary; so the principle of letting a hundred flowers bloom promotes the two line struggle. Mao understood the need to maintain the class base for socialism even after the revolution. The worker-peasant alliance was a key factor, and in a sense, this needed to be embedded in the economic base itself. This will create demand for the products of light industry and in turn there will be a reliable basis for heavy industry. Thus the differences between the Chinese and Soviet kinds of society go much further than simply the question of who is conscious and who is not conscious of the problem of capitalist restoration.

There are very concrete, perhaps ever qualitative differences between the types of society the two countries were building during their initial periods of socialist construction. There is another angle from which we can look at the Maoist economic model of development. It is not only a breath of fresh air within the socialist movement, but also has profound significance for the debates within the third world movement. As well as showing the socialist movement what direction it should take, the Maoist model also shows the third world that it must take a socialist direction. Even if they genuinely aspire to be independent, those countries which allow themselves to be integrated into the capitalist world market will inevitably find their internal structures forced into a capitalist mould: within this mould the revenues of the peasantry are absurdly low because the pricing structure between agriculture and industry reflects that of a developed capitalism where agricultural productivity is much higher, and this provides a crucial barrier to development.

The problem of the correct role in world politics for a socialist state, and the relationship between this and the world revolutionary movement, was very difficult and the CPC made great contributions in this respect. The experience of the Soviet Union had accumulated quite a number of problems, particularly in the way in which revolutionaries were expected to conform to the twists and turns of Soviet foreign policy in the years leading up to World War Two. Once China in turn had become a socialist state, Mao and his close comrade Zhou Enlai, worked out some very important new principles governing foreign relations, These were distinguished into three types of relations, namely party-to-party, state-to-state and people-to-people relations.

The point was to bring together every possible force in the broadest united front against the main enemy, US imperialism tried everything to make the nations of the world, particularly the newly-independent third world nations, align with it and come under its domination. Later the Soviet Union tried the same trick. The popular masses in the oppressed countries vigorously resisted and the governments of many states, even if they were quite reactionary in some respects, had to go along with the mass demands and show certain tendencies towards independence.

Otherwise they would have been kicked out. And the communist movement itself, which is indispensable as the core of any successful revolutionary movement in the long term, was regarded as a separate level again.

Another aspect of Mao Zedong Thought that was overturned by the practice of Summary: Response To Mao Zedongs Cultural Revolution Cultural Revolution was the important distinction between antagonistic Summary: Response To Mao Zedongs Cultural Revolution non-antagonistic contradictions. Her Africa Togo: Pre-Colonization Country died Summary: Response To Mao Zedongs Cultural Revolution she was three, and her mother remarried not to. Summary: Response To Mao Zedongs Cultural Revolution stressed the role of consciousness in promoting change. Share Flipboard Email.